~1998
1999: Jan. - June, July - Dec.
2000: Jan. - Mar. , Apr. - June , July - Sept. , Oct. - Dec.
2001: Jan. - Mar. , Apr.-July , Aug. - Dec.
2002: Jan. -
July , Aug. – Dec.
2003 ; 2004 ; 2005 ; 2006 ; 2007
Cross-Strait Moderation and
the United States—Policy Adjustments Needed By
Robert Sutter (PacNet #17, Mar. 5, 2009) U.S. policy supports President Ma Ying-jeou’s
efforts to ease tensions in the Taiwan Strait
through moderation and accommodation. But the resulting change in
cross-Strait power dynamics may also necessitate some reconsideration of U.S. policy viz-a-viz China and Taiwan.
Outlook on China: Peaceful
Partner or Warmonger? By Malou Innocent (Christian Science Monitor, Feb. 26, 2009) If it can't maintain
the steady growth it's promised, experts fear China's leaders might bolster
their legitimacy by other means, such as exploiting Chinese nationalism and directing
popular discontent toward outside targets.
Cross-Strait Relations: “Ascend the Heights and
Take a Long-term Perspective” By Alan D. Romberg (China Leadership Monitor, Winter, 2009) Although Taiwan faced
economic challenges during this period akin to those faced by everyone else,
and although these contributed to deepening political divisions and turmoil
over cross-Strait relations, in fact, those relations were moving ahead well.
Crises Give Democracies the
Edge By Sarah Cook
(Taipei
Times, Jan. 13, 2009) Past experience has shown that the true test of
governing systems is not when the economy is chugging along smoothly, but
rather when it hits a bump in the road or comes to a screeching halt.
What Hu Jintao Should
Expect: Predictions about Obama Administration Policy toward Taiwan By
Bonnie S. Glaser (PacNet #1, Pacific Forum,
CSIS, Jan. 5, 2009) Taiwan remains one of the most sensitive and divisive
issues between the United States and China. What should Chinese
President Hu Jintao expect from President Obama on this critically important
issue?
Shaking Up the Boardroom at
World Government Inc. By James Traub (New York Times, Jan. 3, 2009) The world governing structures
date from World War II’s end, when the victors enjoyed a monopoly on economic
and political power, and the state system seemed impregnable. We no longer
live in such a world.
Papua New Guinea and China’s
New Empire By Geoffrey York
(Globe and Mail, Jan. 2, 2009) As he completes
nearly seven years as The Globe and Mail's Beijing bureau chief, Geoffrey
York says the most striking change is the boom in Chinese trade, aid and
influence around the world, especially in places the West has neglected or
rejected.
Leadership Gap in China By
Elizabeth Economy
(Washington Post, Dec. 1, 2008) In the midst of a
global financial crisis, the world has come to China's doorstep seeking
leadership. Yet China's
leaders have largely kept the door shut. China wants to be a responsible
partner, not a global leader.
A Global Grand Bargain By
Robert Hutchings
(Washington Post, Nov. 17, 2008) The world is on
the cusp of the most profound shift in global power and influence in a
century. Managing this quiet revolution calls for nothing short of a new
international system.
Experts See Security Risks
in Downturn By Joby Warrick
(Washington
Post, Nov. 15, 2008) The crisis could accelerate the shift to a more
Asia-centric globe, as rising powers such as China gain more leverage over
international financial institutions and greater influence in world capitals.
Nations to Talk Finance, as
Pillars of Power Shift By Mark Landler
(New York Times, Nov. 14, 2008) While President Nicolas Sarkozy of
France proposed this meeting, and President Bush agreed to play host, the
most sought-after country at a gathering some have called Bretton Woods II
may prove to be China.
Rough Week, But America’s
Era Goes on By Niall Ferguson
(Washington
Post, Sep. 21, 2008) Does Wall Street's
meltdown presage the end of the American century? Many commentators have
warned that the past week's financial mayhem signaled a major political
setback for the United
States as well as an economic one.
Asia’s
Lagging Leadreship By Robert Sutter
(PacNet #49, Pacific Forum, CSIS, Sep. 2008) Those
predicting Asian leadership in the 21st century are advised to watch when and
how Asian powers will undertake the risks, costs, and commitments that come
with leadership.
Taking a Lesson from
Clausewitz By James Holmes
(Taipei Times,
Sep. 8, 2008) With US military supremacy on the wane in Asia, moreover, the
probable magnitude and duration of a conflict in China’s backyard will rise.
Clausewitzian logic suggests Washington
may hesitate in a time of crisis.
So Far, It Just Isn’t
Looking Like Asia’s Century By Joshua Kurlantzick
(Washington
Post, Sep. 7, 2008) Despite all that love, most of the region's multilateral
institutions do little more than meet for the sake of meeting. The problem:
Calls to nationalism and an obsession with sovereignty are drowning out calls
for cooperation.
Is Taiwan Prepared to Engage
the Present? By Nat Bellocchi
(Taipei
Times, Aug. 31, 2008) This is a time to go over what has been going on.
Issues both at home and abroad are changing. Are we ready?
Cross-strait Situation
Different from Georgia, President Says
(CNA, Aug. 31, 2008) President Ma Ying-jeou told
an Italian weekly magazine that the situation across the Taiwan Strait is
different from that of Georgia
and Russia, thanks to
thawing ties with China
and the U.S. commitment to
helping Taiwan
maintain adequate defense capability.
The Drums of Change By Harold Meyerson
(Washington Post, Aug. 13, 2008) On or about last
Friday, the world changed. With two very different coming-out parties -- the
opening ceremonies of the Olympics and the invasion of Georgia.
Harmony and the Dream By David Brooks
(New York Times, Aug. 11, 2008) The rise of China
isn’t only an economic event. It’s a cultural one. The ideal of a harmonious
collective may turn out to be as attractive as the ideal of the American
Dream.
Sowing the Seeds of
Pan-Asianism By Shih Chih-yu
(Taipei Times, Jun. 25, 2008) China’s and Japan’s
joint development of the East China Sea is a reflection of pan-Asianism, and
so was Chinese President Hu Jintao’s visit to Japan. Another significant
pan-Asianist experiment was President Ma Ying-jeou’s attempt to build
pro-Chinese and pro-Japanese policies with some level of credibility
Interview: Tsai Warns of
Hasty Decisions in Cross-Strait Affairs
(Taipei
Times, Jun. 15, 2008) ‘Taipei Times' reporter talked to DPP Chairwoman Tsai
Ing-wen on Friday about her views and observations on the cross-strait talks
and the Ma administration.
Bold Call for China to
Rethink Taiwan Policy By Benjamin Kang Lim
(Reuters, Jun. 14, 2008) A Chinese economist
whose contrarian views have previously caught the leadership's eye has
suggested Beijing revise its "one country, two systems" formula for
Taiwan and consider a federation or confederation.
How China Could Erode Taiwanese
Democracy By Lai I-chung
(Taipei
Times, Jun. 4, 2008) Beijing’s warm reception of Chinese Nationalist Party
(KMT) Chairman Wu Poh-hsiung during his visit to China to meet Chinese
President Hu Jintao was an attempt to use the KMT-Chinese Communist Party
(CCP) platform to relieve pressure on the KMT for government-to-government
dialogue and marginalize Taiwan’s democratic supervisory mechanisms.
Help with a Bow
(The Economist, May 29, 2008) The natural disasters that recently befell Myanmar
and China have tested the
willingness of both stricken countries to let in foreign helpers.Whereas
Western do-gooders have queued for entry, volunteers from Taiwan's non-governmental organizations
(NGOs) received a warmer welcome.
Tibet Won't Move China --
But Taiwan Might By John Pomfret
(Washington Post,
Pomfret’s Blog, Apr. 15, 2008) A lot of ink has been spilled, and rightly so,
on Tibet. But is it possible that the bigger story happening in Asia right
now is what's going on between China and its other unruly relative - Taiwan?
Is it also possible that the troubles in Tibet could be setting the scene for
faster breakthroughs vis-a-vis Taiwan? I think so.
What to Expect of the US and
China By Stephen Yates
(Taipei Times, Apr 11, 2008) President-elect Ma Ying-jeou's convincing
victory and the simultaneous defeat of the UN referendums on March 22 clearly
was the outcome a majority of Taiwanese voters sought, but also the result
preferred by Beijing and Washington.
Taiwan's Fresh Start By Donald H. Straszheim
(Forbes, Apr. 7, 2008) The dust has settled following the March 22 victory
here by Kuomintang (KMT) leader Ma Ying-jeou. Ma's focus will be on the
economy, in sharp contrast with current President Chen Shui-bian's focus on
politics. I like the turnaround prospects for Taiwan's long-stagnant equity
markets and her stuck-in-the-mud economy.
New Book Details Chinese Spy
Effort
(AFP, Feb. 27, 2008) A new book claims that the country's vast spy network is
gearing up for a different challenge - keeping an eye on journalists and
potential troublemakers. French writer Roger Faligot, author of some 40
intelligence-related books, has penned 'The Chinese Secret Services from Mao
to the Olympic Games', due out February 29.
Beijing's New Taiwan
Strategy: Washington
(Asia Times, Feb. 22, 2008) Unlike its previous approach of directly
threatening Taiwan over
its holding of referendums in 2004, Beijing
pressured Washington
this time around to deliver its message.
Lessons of Lost U.S.-Taiwan
Trust By Leif-Eric
Easley
(China Post, Feb. 16, 2008) After the Kuomintang (KMT) rout of the Democratic
Progressive Party (DPP) in Taiwan's
legislative elections in January, international observers are asking how Taiwan
may soon reorient its foreign policy. Both candidates for Taiwan's March 22
presidential contest have pledged to rebuild trust with the United States.
China Threat. What Threat?
By Henry Rosemont
(Asia Times, Feb. 12, 2008) China's unprecedented industrial growth over the
last two decades has raised the question of whether it now poses a threat to the
security of the United States economically, militarily, or both.
Economically, the extent to which China truly threatens the US depends at
least in part on the chauvinistic assumption that any potential challenge to
absolute US global economic dominance is threatening. On the military
question, the answer is much clearer. China is not a military threat to the
US.
Panda Politics in Taiwan
(Boston Globe, Feb. 1, 2008) For all the green-blue polarization in the
politics here (and the media), the most likely outcome of Taiwan's elections will be a
continuation of the status quo. Even Ma says he will steer clear of either
unification or independence. "We will definitely not rock the boat in
regional waters," he said.
AmCham’s 2007 Taiwan White Paper Issues Appeals to the People of Taiwan (China Post, Dec. 17,
2007) In its 2007 Taiwan White Paper, AmCham respectfully called on the
people of Taiwan (and their organizations) to join the Chamber in urging the
government to take decisive action on various issues that would significantly
improve Taiwan's quality of life, democratic growth, and international
competitiveness.
Taiwan Squeezed as US and China Negotiate
(Guardian, Nov. 14, 2007) As the US increasingly looks to China for help over
tackling problem issues such as Iran, Burma and Darfur, concern is growing in
Taiwan that the island's sole international protector may be dropping its
guard. Yet despite expanded collaboration with Washington in other areas,
China remains engaged in a rapid military build-up along the Taiwan Strait.
Toward a Strong, Moderate and
Positive Taiwan By Vincent C. Siew
(US-Taiwan Business Council, Oct. 5, 2007) Taiwan should remain strong in the
face of the PRC’s heightening military threat. My party, the Kuomintang, has
been resisting communist threat for over half a century. Meanwhile, Taiwan
should be moderate and prudent in its handling of the cross-strait relations.
A moderate cross-strait relationship serves the interests of all concerned
parties in the region.
Taiwan: A View from Southeast Asia By Rodolfo C. Severino
(Straits
Times, Sep. 24, 2007) Taiwan remains a valuable
economic partner for all of South-east Asia.
It can contribute much to regional and international cooperative endeavors in
many areas in a manner that does not imply a separate national existence. It
should be able to do so. However, for the sake of regional peace and
stability, I would like to see Taiwan avoiding any moves toward de jure
independence.
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