TSR-About-TSR

~1998

1999: Jan. - June, July - Dec.

2000: Jan. - Mar. , Apr. - June , July - Sept.

July - Dec. 1999

Mending U.S.-Taiwan Relations after “State-to-State” By Greg May (Taiwan International Review, Dec. 1999) Specifically, Taipei and Washington should concentrate on: Insuring Taiwan’s continued de facto (but not necessarily de jure) independence from the PRC; Pushing back China’s reunification time horizon; Encouraging cross-Strait political dialogue; Promoting positive political change in the PRC.

Summary of Rand Report on PRC Arms Sales (CNA, Dec. 24, 1999) China's arms sales pose a moderate threat to US interests, and further sales will make the future security environment more dangerous. Although Beijing's behavior is improving, continued pressure is necessary to minimize China's most dangerous sales, particularly those to rogue regimes, according to a new report, titled "China's Arms Sales: Motivations and Implications," by the Rand Corporation in the United States.

Target Taiwan By Susan V. Lawrence and Julian Baum (Far Eastern Economic Review, Dec. 30, 1999) Beijing's next, and most cherished, reunification goal is Taiwan. Chinese President Jiang Zemin insisted in his Macau handover speech that the examples of Hong Kong and Macau "will give a positive push to the early settlement of the Taiwan question."

A Traumatic Transition (Startfor.com, Dec. 24, 1999) In a three-part series, Stratfor.com analyzes China's past year, and foresees an unsettled future. Part I: The Uneasy Crackdown From the newly renovated tank-proof concrete plain of Tiananmen Square to small underground Catholic churches, 1999 was a remarkable year in China. It was the year of the crackdown. Part II: The Unstable Economy As China closes in on the next century, its political and economic systems are on a collision course. The economic reforms started by former political leaders, and continued by those in power today, have nearly run out of steam. The undercurrent of social dissatisfaction, fed by the very economic reforms intended to improve people's lives, may bring these forces to a head. Part III: The Uncertain Future Jiang Zemin is the first national leader not forged by revolution. Can he hold China together and stave off a new revolution?

Using China as a Proxy: Risks and Errors By John Gershman (Foreign Policy Special Report, Vol. 3, No. 33, Dec. 15, 1999) By using China as a proxy, progressives risk promoting self- righteous double standards and sacrificing a distinctly progressive internationalism that differs from both the internationalism of free traders and the nationalism of populists.

US China Hands Meet on 'One China' and Strategic Ambiguity (Central News Agency, Dec. 14, 1999) A noted American China hand said on Tuesday that the United States should drop its "strategic ambiguity" stance on its reaction in the event of a military conflict in the Taiwan Strait. David Shambaugh, director of the China Policy Program at the George Washington University, made the call at a seminar, sponsored by Georgetown University, on the US "one China" and strategic ambiguity policies toward Taiwan Strait issues.

East Asian Security: Telling the Truth about Taiwan By James E. Auer and Akihisa Nagashima (Daily Japan Digest, FORUM, Dec. 10, 1999) For all the negative reaction to President Lee Teng-hui's call in a Deutsche Welle TV interview last July for state-to-state relations between Taiwan and China, the arguments he makes in support of the idea in his new article "Understanding Taiwan" in "Foreign Affairs," are straightforward and almost understated.

Call for Long-Range Missile System By Mure Dickie (Financial Times, Dec. 9, 1999) Lien Chan, Taiwan's vice-president, has called for the development of "long-range" surface-to-surface missiles capable of striking rival mainland China, a policy that would mark a more assertive defence strategy for the embattled island. The call for an offensive missile capability from Mr Lien is likely to cause concern in the US. Washington, the final arbiter of Taiwan's security, has long sought to limit the proliferation of ballistic missile technology.

U.S.-Japan-Korea: Creating a 'Virtual Alliance' by Ralph A. Cossa (Pacific Forum CSIS, PacNet 47, December 3, 1999) A formal, official trilateral security alliance does not appear to be a serious option either today or in a post-Korean reunification era. The creation of a "virtual alliance" is achievable, however, and in the interests of long-term peace and stability.

The Son of Heaven? By Terry McCarthy (TIME Asia, Nov. 29, 1999, Vol. 154 No. 21) A plum trade deal wins Jiang Zemin accolades, but it's probably not enough to elevate him to the ranks of China's immortals, Mao and Deng. Jiang is still seeking his emperor's robes. Mao exhorted China to stand up in the world; Deng told Chinese it was glorious to get rich. Jiang will not inspire the Chinese with details of a trade pact, however important. His last hope for greatness lies outside the economic sphere, in a small island off China's southern coast. "His big obsession is Taiwan."

World Should not Ignore PRC Missile Threat (Liberty Times, Nov. 25, 1999) If Taiwan faces a missile threat from the Beijing regime, or if mainland China launches a military assault against Taiwan, one can foresee that the Asia-Pacific security system will be immediately destabilized. The lifeline of Japan and South Korea will be forcefully cut off, placing the new East Asian international order led by the United States in danger of collapsing.

The Long March Ahead By Michel Oksenberg (Pacific Forum CSIS, PacNet #45, Nov. 19, 1999) At the Fortune Global Forum in Shanghai this past September, President Jiang Zemin called for a China by 2050 that will be "wealthy, strong, democratic, civilised, and socialist". But what is the strategy for reaching this objective? The biggest problem is neither economic nor social nor cultural. It is political...

Forcing a Rethink of Global Security By Justin Brown (The Christian Science Monitor, Nov. 12, 1999) An unrelenting US push for a missile-defense system raises concerns of friends and foes about a new arms race. While much of the Clinton administration's effort has focused on winning Russian support, China may loom as a greater danger.

Taiwan Balancing Act (Editorial, The Wall Street Journal, Oct. 29, 1999) As the U.S. stepped away from its commitment to Taiwan, China stepped away from its commitment to solve the reunification problem without recourse to violence. Rep. Ben Gilman, chairman of the House International Relations Committee, says the bill was in response to "Beijing's outright refusal to renounce the use of force against Taiwan."

US a Threat? Just Ask China By Kevin Platt (Christian Science Monitor, Oct. 27, 1999) Interview with top arms negotiator: US may worry about other nuclear countries, but China says US acts prove it is the wild card. China's top arms control negotiator, Sha Zukang, says a bigger threat to global stability is already armed to the teeth with hydrogen bombs and sophisticated rockets that can send a nuclear payload to any point on the planet. That country, Sha says, is the United States.

China in Cyberspace By Ian Buruma (New York Review of Books, Nov. 4, 1999) It is not widely known that the People's Republic of China and Taiwan are now at war. The battles are not being fought on land, however, or at sea, or even, strictly speaking, in the air; they take place in cyberspace, where nobody so far has ever died.

Kosovo Paves Way for More International Intervention in Civil Conflicts (AFP, Oct. 21, 1999) International military intervention in internal conflicts is increasingly being seen as legitimate and the recent trend, which began in Europe, is likely to spread across Asia, the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) said.

China-Taiwan: Washington Caught in the Middle...Again By Gerrit W. Gong (Comparative Connections, Vol. 1, No. 2 — 3rd Quarter, October 1999) Taiwan President Lee Tung-hui's July 9 announcement that cross-Strait relations should be handled on a "special state-to-state" basis has strained already shaky relations between Beijing and Taipei and has the U.S. once again caught in the middle. This is especially true since Chinese President Jiang Zemin continues to identify "peaceful reunification under the 'one country, two systems' model with Taiwan" as one of the Mainland's "cardinal principles."

U.S.-China: Beginning to Thaw By Bonnie S. Glaser (Comparative Connections, Vol. 1, No. 2 — 3rd Quarter, October 1999) Sino-American relations have begun to thaw after a freeze of several months following the accidental bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade. The mid-September meeting between Presidents Clinton and Jiang signaled Beijing's readiness to resume high-level contacts, but it remained uncertain whether the Chinese are prepared to restore normalcy to other facets of the bilateral relationship, such as military exchanges or official dialogues on human rights, arms control, and non-proliferation.

How the US Stopped Taiwan's Bomb By William Ide (Taipei Times, Oct. 14, 1999) Details of Taiwan's bid to join the nuclear community have always been shrouded in secrecy. Previously classified US documents shows just how close Taiwan came to developing the technology to produce thermonuclear weapons.

US Shouldn't Try Influencing Taiwan Question Says Expert (CNA, Oct. 13, 1999) The United States should not be trying to influence the outcome of the Taiwan question and should not express an opinion as to whether reunification is the right answer for mainland China and Taiwan. "Our role is not to solve the Taiwan problem, but to prevent it from being solved in the wrong way and to prevent it from being interpreted in the wrong way," said Ross Terrill.

US Should Clearly State Taiwan Defense Policy: Expert (CNA, Oct. 6, 1999) Ross H. Munro wrote in the National Review that Beijing's dramatic statements on Taiwan, aimed primarily at the American audience, are designed in part to hide the fact that Communist China's policy on Taiwan is "the product of a careful weighing of China's strategic interests."

From Mao to Jiang: The saga of China By Ruan Ming (Taipei Times, Oct. 1, 1999) In 1945, Mao Zedong said that dialogue with the KMT could result in the "peaceful construction of a democratic institution." But the Great Helmsman's vision of China took on a Stalinist framework of lawlessness and terror. Under Deng Xiaoping, party ideology began to loosen. With Jiang Zemin in power, the possibility of yet another change is great

China's Half-Century of Intimidation of Taiwan Backfires (AFP, Sep 29, 1999) Half a century of intimidation by China has only widened the political rift with Taiwan and made more remote any prospects for reunification, Taiwanese officials and analysts say. The Taiwanese cannot help but doubt the sincerity of a regime that bombards the nationalist island with constant threats to its people's lives, freedom and hard-earned wealth, they say.

Fifty Years of Revolution and Counterrevolution in China (AFP, Sep. 28, 1999) China celebrates 50 years of communist rule on October 1. Here are the major dates in the history of the People's Republic of China since it was founded in 1949.

U.S. Speaks Against Putting Taiwan on U.N. Agenda
(Reuters, Sep. 15, 1999) For the first time in seven years, the United States on Wednesday told a U.N. committee it was against putting U.N. membership for Taiwan on the General Assembly's agenda in order to reiterate Washington's commitment to a ``one China'' policy.

The United States and a Rising China: Strategic and Military Implications (RAND, Sep. 10, 1999) Criticizing Washington's longstanding strategy of engagement with China and rejecting the containment alternative favored by many of its critics, a team of RAND analysts today urged a new U.S. China policy--dubbed "congagement"--designed to preserve hope for cooperative relations while hedging against the possibility of a hostile Chinese challenge to U.S. interests and objectives in the future. The study also offers a fresh look at China's military modernization drive.

Hush, Hush Taiwan? (Editorial, Christian Science Monitor, Sep. 9, 1999) Much gnashing of teeth and cluck-clucking has been heard in the two months since Taiwan's leader, Lee Teng-hui, said his country would deal with China on a "state to state" basis.

Risks in a Chinese Invasion of Taiwan By Jonathan S. Landay (The Christian Science Monitor, Sep. 9, 1999) In talks with China's president next week, Clinton will try to defuse tensions in Pacific. The upsurge in tensions between China and Taiwan appears to have put China's political and military hierarchy in a strategic bind.

Relations Across the Taiwan Strait By June Teufel Dreyer (Visions of China: 50 Years of People's Republic, CNN, September 1999) When Taiwan President Lee Teng-hui on July 9, 1999, described his country's relations with China as a "special state-to-state relationship," the Beijing government reacted with fury.

Taiwan: Malcolm Fraser Defers to Beijing By Robyn Lim (Defender, Australia Defence Association, Spring 1999) Malcolm Fraser, former Australian prime minister, says that the US should stop helping Taiwan to defend itself by selling it sophisticated weapons. This advice ignores the likely knock-on effects on Australian security, transmitted through Japan, if China were to take Taiwan by force.

China-U.S. Rivalry By Bruce Kennedy (Visions of China: 50 Years of People's Republic, CNN, September 1999) Fear, suspicion drive post-Cold War ties between Beijing, Washington.

How Far Would US Go To Protect Taiwan? By Jonathan S. Landay (The Christian Science Monitor, Sep. 3, 1999) Latest threats by China may mean Washington has to abandon its position of 'strategic ambiguity.' Beijing's latest threats are eroding support for that policy and fueling calls for a tougher approach. Defenders of the policy warn such a declaration would make a clash between the Asia-Pacific nuclear powers inevitable.

Australia Can Sway China's Taiwan Policy By Gary Klintworth (Australian Financial Review, Sep. 1, 1999) It is time for a rethink on Taiwan within a One-China framework. Australia supported NATO's intervention in Kosovo... This week, Australia also vigorously supported the people of East Timor in their right for self-determination. Where does this leave Taiwan, a flashpoint that some say might require Australia to deploy its navy to the East China Sea in support of the US Seventh Fleet?

A Push for Unity Widens Gaps By Kevin Platt (The Christian Science Monitor, Sep. 1, 1999) Taiwanese say Hong Kong's loss of freedom gives them little faith in China's reunification bid. Hong Kong, long a neutral mediator between the two civil war combatants, is now perceived here as not only a victim of the "one country, two systems" union, but also an increasingly willing ally of Beijing's.

Ocean of Differences Lie Across Taiwan Strait By Frank Langfitt (Baltimore Sun, Aug. 25, 1999) The issue of national identity is among the hottest in political and daily life here. Since the end of martial law, the island's 22 million people have struggled to figure out who they are in a world where most countries don't recognize their political existence.

Taiwan Strait Can Help Bridge Beijing-Taipei Differences By Peter Kien-Hong Yu (Defense News, Aug. 23, 1999) To resolve the deadlock, the PRC should announce that from Jan. 1, 2000, if not earlier, ROC naval forces can partol up to Brijing's self-declared baseline, (which is not as close as the shoreline), of mainland China, but within the zonal waters know as the Taiwan Strait

Taiwan’s High-Stakes Game (The Economist, Aug. 21, 1999) China could yet turn verbal attacks on Taiwan into a military assault. .. will China really be able to keep its finger off the trigger? It is important to separate, if possible, the Communists’ rhetoric from their intentions.

Calm Down to Prepare for the China-Taiwan Debate Ahead By Douglas H. Paal (International Herald Tribune, August 16, 1999) As tensions build between Taiwan and China, the tensions long present within U.S. policy toward both are rising to the surface. They are forcing uncomfortable choices for the United States between a strategic interest in avoiding a long-term confrontation with China and supporting American values, as exemplified by Taiwan's democracy.

Dangerous Confusion in Washington By Richard Halloran (International Herald Tribune, August 16, 1999) The friction between Taiwan and mainland China has produced a cacophony of exhortations in the United States over what American policy should be in this dangerous confrontation.

Beijing Considers How To React By Bruce Dickson (Taipei Times, August 3, 1999) If Jiang and Zhu want to rebuild the consensus favoring the policy of engagement with the US, and conclude negotiations to enter WTO in particular, they may have to accept a harder line toward Taiwan.

A Linguistic Disturbance: The End of One-China Policy? By Harvey Sicherman (Foreign Policy Research Institute, July 28, 1999 ) Lee apparently abandoned the carefully ambiguous One-China theology that had long allowed both sides -- and the U.S. -- to avoid the perils of either a declaration of Taiwanese independence (a casus belli in Beijing) or an attack by the PRC (a casus belli in Washington). But did he, really?

Personality Politics By Alejandro Reyes (Asiaweek, July 30, 1999) The campaign to succeed President Lee Teng-hui next year is shaping into a tough three-way battle

A Tense Wait For Answers By Todd Crowell (Asiaweek, July 30, 1999) As Taiwan and China continue their confrontation, the U.S. tries mediation. Though Lee's initiative was playing poorly abroad, it may turn out a shrewd move in Taiwan.

The Taiwan Question By Jacques deLisle (Foreign Policy Research Institute, July 26, 1999) The heavily couched and caveat-laden statements from Lee and his minions represented only one step in a decade-long march away from the logically consistent but politically bizarre framework in which everyone agreed that there was one China with one legitimate government. For any realistic observer, of course, Lee and other ROC officials uttered an obvious, if politically touchy, truth: The PRC and Taiwan are, in practice, two separate countries.

China Can Succeed In Beach Assault, Experts Say (The Straits Times, July 24, 1999) In an article titled "Taiwan's Troubles -- National Defence Report Highlights Chinese Threat", Jane's Intelligence Review (JIR) noted that a force-reduction agreement between China and Russia had enabled Beijing to boost its military capability in the south-east coastal region facing Taiwan.

Taiwan's Lament: War Clouds Over Asia? By Robert Manning (Intellectual Capital, July 22, 1999) Once again, the world has discovered that the Taiwan Strait is a highly combustible place where the problems of an era past (Chinese civil war frozen by Cold War) intersect with the problems of the future (coping with the rise of China and with a democratic Taiwan).

The Truth About Taiwan (Economist, July 24, 1999) If China wants reunion with Taiwan, it should look more worth reuniting with. The threat of force has become almost a kneejerk reaction for China’s leaders whenever Taiwan displeases them. They need to realise that this hinders rather than helps China’s goal of reunification.

Hush the Rhetoric and Learn Flexibility Ralph A. Cossa (International Herald Tribune, July 23, 1999) China needs to understand that the people in Taiwan have earned, and demand, more recognition for their accomplishments. They want their aspirations and pride taken into account. Beijing should not rule out the possibility of Mr. Wang visiting Taipei in the fall.

Is China Unstable? Minxin Pei (Foreign Policy Research Institute Wire, July 1999) In my judgment, the current pessimism about China's short-term prospects is as exaggerated as the previous optimism about its long-term economic outlook. In fact, China is likely to retain its short-term political stability despite many signs of potential turmoil, but will face rising instability if the regime fails to undertake significant political reform in the next decade

The Heritage Foundation

Why Taiwan's Security Needs to be Enhanced By Stephen J. Yates (The Heritage Foundation, Executive Memorandum, No. 632 October 25, 1999) The legislative history of the TRA makes clear that these two provisions were intended to ensure that Taiwan was not relegated to using second-class military hardware and technology, that its defense needs would be determined without regard to the views of the Mainland, and that the President would at least consult with Congress in making this determination.

How Washington Can Diffuse Escalating Tensions in the Taiwan Strait By Harvey J. Feldman (The Heritage Foundation, Executive Memorandum, Aug. 19, 1999) How the Clinton Administration should respond to the use of military force by the PRC is rooted in the 1979 Taiwan Relations Act (Public Law 96-8), which states that any attempt by the PRC to determine the future of Taiwan by other than peaceful means would be "a threat to the peace and security of Western Pacific area and of grave concern to the United States."

TIME & Newsweek

China's New Radar Replacement (Newsweek, US Edition, Dec. 6, 1999) In the latest sign of its drive to military power, China is close to fielding a revolutionary new antiaircraft early-warning defense system. U.S. intelligence analysts are very worried by the new technology because it can defeat current Air Force tactics for overcoming enemy air defenses and detect U.S. stealth aircraft, including the F-117 bomber, and even, they fear, the futuristic F-22 fighter.

The New Guard By Terry McCarthy (TIME Asia, Oct. 25, 1999) Meet China's rising generation of leaders--a technocratic bunch jockeying for the chance to succeed Mao, Deng and Jiang. For now, the frontrunner to succeed Jiang is Hu Jintao, the 56-year-old Vice President who has risen to his current position more by avoiding mistakes than through any notable accomplishments.

Two Lives, Two Different Paths By Terry McCarthy (TIME Asia, Oct. 11, 1999) In 1949 a father sent one of his twin sons to Taiwan and kept the other on the mainland. Their story is an epic tale of a divided country's past half-century. "You two take different roads, so no matter which side is going to win or lose, I will have a river on my left and on my right."

A Goose Step Into the Future By Michael Hirsh and Melinda Liu (Newsweek International, October 11, 1999) With its 50th-anniversary gala, China sends a mixed message to Washington. Now, celebrating the 50th anniversary, Jiang took a swipe at "hegemonism" — his code word for America's post-cold-war dominance. And he vowed to "unite" China and make it powerful again.

Pacific Forum CSIS: PacNet Newsletter

President Lee is No Troublemaker Lo Chih-cheng and Bo Tedards (Pacific Forum, CSIS, PacNet 29, July 23, 1999) First, Lee's remarks have not, in themselves, altered the substance of the status quo between the two sides of the strait -- no declaration of independence by Taiwan and no use of force by China. All he has done is to alter the terminology that the government here will use to describe it; thus, what Lee is offering is a redefinition, not a revision, of the status quo.

China: Engage or Confront? Arnold Kanter (Pacific Forum, CSIS, PacNet #26, July 2, 1999) There is no denying that U.S.-China relations, which already were short on substance and long on controversy, are now in crisis. The increasingly bitter debate in the United States about policy toward China -- which often has been characterized more by heat than light -- is now being matched by a parallel debate among China's rulers about Beijing's policy toward Washington.

TIME & Newsweek

The Myth of Chinese Power By Gerald Segal (Newsweek International, Sep. 20, 1999) Any way you look at it, China matters far less than people think; and as a result the anniversary is nothing to celebrate. The true time for celebration will come when China has engaged in thorough political reforms and genuinely gives its people the ability to stand up tall in the world.

Uncle Who? By Michael Hirsh and Gregory Vistica (Newsweek International, August 16, 1999) Facing a year of rare military tensions on three fronts, Asians are beginning to question U.S. resolve to fight for peace in the region. So, too, are Americans.

National Colors By Tim Larimer (TIME Asia, Aug. 16, 1999) After decades of guilt and uncertainty, Japan is regaining its sense of self, to the delight of rightists and the horror of pacifists and others who recall the sins of the past

Escaping the Past (Newsweek International, August 2, 1999) Everything Taiwanese is cool. Lee Teng-hui is leading the race away from mainland China. The $40 million invested in businesses in China will continue to bind Taiwan to the mainland economically. But President Lee is trying to end the "civil-war mentality" so Taiwan can move on socially and politically.

The Taiwan Tinderbox - Fiddling With The One China Principle Is Reckless David Shambaugh (Time, July 26, 1999) China's official People's Daily is often prone to hyperbole, but it was not overstating the severity of the situation when it asserted last week that Lee Teng-hui was playing with fire. With a few provocative words, Taiwan's President reminded Asia and the world of the volatility in cross-Strait relations. The political and economic consequences of his remarks are serious enough, but the real danger lies in the potential for war

New York Times

What Happened to the Asian Century? By Ian Buruma (New York Times, Dec. 29, 1999) That leaves China, the last large Asian country still trying to combine authoritarian government with capitalist enterprise: freedom is to be sacrificed to the promise of collective prosperity. It is, if you like, the test case of those vaunted "Asian values."

Israel's Shame By William Safire (New York Times, Dec. 23, 1999) Li Peng, China's hardest-line Communist leader the man famed for ordering the Tiananmen massacre -- was feted in Israel this month. After a visit to the Holocaust memorial, Foreign Ministry officials took him to the Israeli Aircraft Industries facility near Ben-Gurion Airport.

One Giant Step for Jiang's China By Erik Eckholm (New York Times,, Nov. 21, 1999) China's signature Monday showed that Jiang, and most if not all of the other six Communist Party leaders who make major decisions here, are convinced that radical change is the only hope if China is to attain long-term prosperity and greatness

Why Trade Will Win By Gordon G. Chang (New York Times, Nov. 15, 1999) America need feel little urgency to get China into the W.T.O. The Chinese economy is in big trouble, and ultimately it cannot be rescued without further economic reform of the kind that will let foreign businesses operate far more freely and fairly. Whether there is an agreement or not, China is going to have to liberalize its economy.

China's Leadership Feels Threatened by a Sect Seeking Peace By Erik Eckholm (New York Times, Nov. 4, 1999) As security forces worked frantically to round up believers who converged on Beijing to plead Falun Gong's case, the government left no doubt that it intends to wipe out all organized traces of the movement -- even if that requires jailing thousands of people who never saw themselves as enemies of the state.

The Long, Delicate Dance With Chinese Leaders By Andrew J. Nathan (New York Times, Oct. 7, 1999) The recent crisis in the Taiwan Strait makes Patrick E. Tyler's account of three decades of United States policy-making toward China especially welcome, for Taiwan has always been at the center of the United States-China relationship.

50 Years Made China Change. But Not the Fear of It By David E. Sanger (New York Times, Oct. 3, 1999) Americans like to think they have a far clearer, more balanced view of China today than they did when Washington was seized with the question of who lost it, as if it was in America's power to win or lose.

China Fetes Capitalists, but the Air Is Tense By Seth Faison (New York Times, Sep. 29, 1999) China is celebrating 50 years of communist rule this week in part by hosting more than 300 of the world's leading capitalists at a conference in this city. But the Fortune Global Forum is unintentionally highlighting the deeply troubled nature of China's business dealings with the West

Trading With China Editorial (New York Times, Sep. 15, 1999) Relations between the United States and China, which lurch from crisis to friendship to crisis, appear to be at least temporarily back on a positive footing.

Jiang Embraces a New 'Old Friend' By Erik Eckholm (New York Times, Sep. 13, 1999) China's rapid return to smiles reflects a more basic truth. For economic and strategic reasons, China's leaders see no good alternative to cooperative relations with the United States in the years ahead.

The Future Is Made In ... By Thomas L. Friedman (New York Times, Sep. 5, 1999) It is a little known fact that PC's and laptops are made in a global supply chain, and Taiwan, and Taiwanese-owned firms in China and Asia, are the key link in that chain. And If you think China would pay a huge price for war with Taiwan, you can't imagine the price that Taiwan, and the rest of the world, would pay.

Siamese Twins By Thomas L. Friedman (New York Times, Aug. 31, 1999) The economic integration between China and Taiwan does not guarantee that China won't invade Taiwan. But what it does guarantee is that if China does invade Taiwan the economic costs are going to be enormous, and therefore much more destabilizing for all of us.

Whose Web Site Is This? By Thomas L. Friedman (New York Times, Aug. 27, 1999) You just knew something like this would happen. China, unable so far to occupy Taiwan on land, has done it in cyberspace. The Internet address Taiwan.com was recently claimed and registered by China.com, an Internet portal that is partially owned by China's state-run Xinhua news agency.

A Worsening Crisis Over Taiwan Editorial (New York Times, Aug. 14, 1999) With tensions mounting dangerously across the Taiwan Strait, both sides need to step back and consider the risks they are courting -- Taipei by its reckless declarations and Beijing by its unacceptable military threats.

New Goal in Taiwan: To Be Left Alone By Seth Faison (New York Times, August 9, 1999) International opinion blames Taiwan's President Lee Teng-hui for disturbing the status quo between Taiwan and China, but many Taiwanese say that the constant threat of military and diplomatic pressure from Beijing is what really causes the root tension.

A Tightrope Act Over Taiwan By Jane Perlez (New York Times, August 5, 1999) As is often the case in disputes between China and Taiwan, the United States finds itself in the middle. As the two sides pour verbal scorn on each other and as military tensions remain high, the Clinton administration is trying to steer a delicate course, signaling to Beijing its commitment to the "one China" policy that Taiwan is rejecting while reassuring Taiwan that arms sales will continue.

In Eye of China-Taiwan Storm, an Island Is Calm By Seth Faison (New York Times, Aug. 14, 1999) If military conflict breaks out between China and Taiwan any time soon, military experts say, it is as likely to begin on this little island as anywhere. A mere three miles off the coast of southeast China, Matsu still belongs to Taiwan, which is more than 100 miles away.

Caught Between Two Chinas By Chas. W. Freeman Jr. (New York Times, August 2, 1999) China's leaders need to think carefully about how to handle this challenge. Americans need to do the same. After all, committed separatists in Taiwan seem intent on leading both their island and the United States toward a bloody rendezvous with Chinese nationalism.

After 2 Years, Hong Kong Looks More Like China Mark Landler (New York Times, July 1, 1999) Hong Kong passed its second year under Chinese rule Thursday, and to a growing number of critics Hong Kong is taking on a disquieting resemblance to its motherland... -- recent events suggest that the one country is rapidly subsuming the two systems.

Washington Post

China's Greater Leap By Jim Hoagland (Washington Post, Nov. 25, 1999) If China accepts the financial transparency and the rule of commercial law the WTO requires, Chinese society at large will benefit. But if China refuses to live up to these engagements, Beijing will live in constant friction and distrust with the rest of the world (and with China's own younger generation).

Charting a Course With China (Washington Post, Nov. 14, 1999) The process of finding the Soviet Union, now Russia, a fair and stable place at the global strategic table has gone on for 30 years and is far from over. But the newer process of finding China such a place becomes increasingly sensitive and urgent. The quest is made so by the explosive pattern of China's ambitions and anxieties. It is bound to preoccupy Washington for an indefinite time.

China and the WTO Editorial (Washington Post, Nov, 11, 1999) The issue is not whether China belongs in the WTO; in the long run, of course, the answer is yes. The issue is, rather, whether today's China -- a China ruled by insecure, intolerant Communist dictators -- can be reformed by the WTO, or whether the WTO will be reshaped by it.

China's Rule of Law (Editorial, Washington Post, Nov. 2, 1999) China's communist leaders often insist that theirs is, in fact, a system of laws -- that human rights activists who complain about a lack of democracy are just hung up on minor details, like elections. In the past week, events have proven the leaders absolutely right. When they found themselves without the laws they needed to vigorously persecute a peaceful meditation society, the Party simply ordered up some new laws.

The Taiwan Security Reduction Act By David M. Lampton (Washington Post, Oct. 31, 1999) The most dangerous piece of foreign policy legislation in memory is moving through Congress. It is titled the Taiwan Security Enhancement Act. Introduced in the Senate by Jesse Helms (R-N.C.) and Robert Torricelli (D-N.J.) and in the House by Rep. Tom DeLay, it ought to be called the Taiwan Security Reduction Act.

Storm Clouds Gathering By Henry Kissinger (Washington Post, Sep. 7, 1999) With respect to Taiwan, three steps are needed: (1) to leave no ambiguity about America's opposition to the use of force; (2) to make clear that there is no change in America's longstanding acceptance of the principle of one China; (3) to insist on Taiwanese restraint in challenging a framework that, in fact, ensures their autonomy and without which events may well run out of control.

Too Little Talk on Taiwan By Peter W. Rodman (Washington Post, Aug. 23, 1999) American policy has two parallel concerns -- first, to deter Beijing from a military attack on Taiwan, and second, to discourage Taipei from gratuitous unilateral moves that could generate a crisis.

China Ponders New Rules of 'Unrestricted War' By John Pomfret (Washington Post, August 8, 1999) Among their sometimes creative and sometimes shocking proposals for dealing with a powerful adversary are terrorism, drug trafficking, environmental degradation and computer virus propagation. The authors include a flow chart of 24 different types of war and argue that the more complicated the combination -- for example, terrorism plus a media war plus a financial war -- the better the results.

Taiwan Locked In China's Erratic Orbit By John Pomfret (Washington Post, August 1, 1999) One-hundred miles off the coast of Fujian province, and five minutes away for a missile, Taiwan is damned by its geography to deal gingerly with the People's Republic of China.

Tensions Heat Up in Asia - Security Concerns Replace Financial Crisis (Washington Post, July 24, 1999) Just as anxiety over Asia's financial instability and it s spillover effect on the world economy has eased, diplomatic and military conflicts have reemerged as this region's prime threat to global security.

China's Nervous Rulers Editorial (Washington Post, July 21, 1999) The Clinton administration, eager as always to placate Beijing, demanded explanations from Taipei, and China hands denounced Taiwan's recklessness. Yet the likeliest source of long-term instability is China's unwillingness to follow Taiwan on the path of democratization.

Democratic Reformer Jolts Taiwanese Politics John Pomfret (Washington Post, July 3, 1999) While political reforms are stymied in mainland China, Taiwan is preparing for what could be its most open presidential election ever and a breakthrough on the road to full democratization.

Long March Home (Washington Post, July 3, 1999) After 3 1/2 years as the point man in one of America's most important international relationships, Jim Sasser, the outgoing ambassador to China, has learned a simple lesson: increasing mutual understanding is not always pretty.

Chinese Threat Tests Taiwan's Preparedness - Defense Capacity, Public Morale Faulted By John Pomfret (Washington Post, July 27, 1999) With tensions high between Taiwan and China, the readiness of Taiwan's military and of its people to support the military have become key factors in the balance of power across the Taiwan Strait. This issue is also important to the United States, which, if Taiwan's military were to collapse, could be forced to defend the island from Chinese attack.

Financial Times

Policy Shift Puts Beijing in a Quandary (Financial Times, July 16, 1999)

International Herald Tribune

China, India, Russia: Eyeing New Alignments By Ramesh Thakur and Zhang Yunling (International Herald Tribune, Nov. 30, 1999) Asia in the next century will be shaped by the development of China and India. At present, relations between the world's two most populous countries oscillate between indifference and rivalry. But windows of opportunity are opening for new alignments in international cooperation.

A Cue for Japan to Take the Anti-Nuclear Lead By Ralph A. Cossa (International Herald Tribune, Nov. 30, 1999) The rejection of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, the CTBT by the U.S. Senate in October is not likely to result in the immediate resumption of nuclear tests, either by the United States or by any other state. That gives Japan an opportunity to step forward with an initiative to strengthen international safeguards against the spread of nuclear arms - and its claim to be a permanent member of the UN Security Council.

Yes, China in the WTO, but What About Taiwan? By William Pfaff (International Herald Tribune, Nov. 18, 1999) Where does Taiwan stand in all this? China has never been willing to belong to an international body to which Taiwan also belongs. However, Taiwan is also a candidate for WTO membership, and by any measure of economy or trade it is a more important candidate than China.

Japan's Best Bet Remains the American Nuclear Umbrella By Robyn Lim (International Herald Tribune, Oct. 29, 1999) Shingo Nishimura, the parliamentary vice minister for the Defense Agency, was sacked recently for saying that Japan should acquire nuclear weapons. China pronounced itself shocked by those comments. But it would be a healthy development if Mr. Nishimura started a debate in Japan about bedrock issues of national security.

Let's Overcome an Old American Habit of Overrating China By William Pfaff (International Herald Tribune, Oct. 9, 1999) The Clinton administration has vainly looked for a ''strategic partnership'' with China, at the cost of weakening U.S. relations with Japan. It has taken a further step toward dissociating the United States from Taiwan, announcing a ''one China policy'' that seems to endorse China's claim to Taiwan on Beijing's terms. All of this follows from the conviction, held in all three administrations, that China will soon become the most important economic and political power in Asia.

Why Beijing Is Cooperating With the Timor Action By J. Mohan Malik (International Herald Tribune, Oct. 8, 1999) China's response to the East Timor crisis is significant for its statecraft. A judicious mix of diplomatic flexibility, pragmatism and strategic realism serves Beijing's desire to maintain the legitimacy of the United Nations, enhance China's image as a responsible power, and increase its influence in Southeast Asia.

The Balance of Power Remains in Taiwan's Favor By Richard Halloran (International Herald Tribune, September 7, 1999) China has been threatening to use force since July 9... China has even asserted that Taiwan could be defeated in no more than five days. In a confrontation with Taiwan, China would appear to have at least six options.

Try Clear Thinking About Relations With China By Flora Lewis (International Herald Tribune, Aug. 27, 1999) Contradictory and alarming signals are coming from China, and they are meeting with sharp but mixed responses which only add to the muddle. Evidently this is a moment of tension in the Beijing leadership and possibly of important decision.

War Prospects in Asia Are Both Remote and Scary By Gerald Segal (International Herald Tribune, Aug. 25, 1999) North Korean missiles, China-Taiwan saber-rattling, India-Pakistan tension - at first glance it can appear that Asian security is under imminent threat of major conflict. What we are seeing is a new style of Asian conflict in which diplomatic tensions can run high but the threshold of real war is also high.

When Taipei Speaks Up, the American Debate Gets Dangerous By Douglas H. Paal (International Herald Tribune, July 28, 1999) Taiwan's supporters and detractors alike are scratching their heads trying to understand the timing and purpose of President Lee Teng-hui's adjustment of a key policy toward the mainland.

Taipei Times

Information Technology May be Foundation for National Security By Holmes Liao (Taipei Times, Dec. 25, 1999) Taiwan needs to matter more to the world if the world is to afford it any degree of protection. By building up international dependence on its information technology industry, it can help this situation come about.

Cold War Clouds Remain Over the Asia-Pacific Region By You Ji (Taipei Times, Dec. 17, 1999) The end of the Cold War has not ended insecurity in the Asia-Pacific region, but has simply altered the rules of the game and the nature of the stakes that are being played for.

A Look Back on the Road to Democracy (Taipei Times, Dec. 9, 1999) December 10 will be the 20th anniversary of the Formosa Incident, also known as the Kaohsiung Incident, a watershed episode in the democratization of Taiwan. ...the 1979 Kaohsiung Incident, sparked by pro-democracy figures, was the result of a combination of both domestic and international forces that began to take shape in the early 1970s.

Bush Hits Foreign Policy Home Run By John R. Bolton (Taipei Times, Dec. 1, 1999) Fighting against the growing impression that, at least in international relations, he is not his father's son, Governor George W. Bush gave an impressive performance last Friday in his first major foreign policy speech. First, the speech was Reaganite both in substance and by political design....

A Worrying Shift in Jiang's Position By Xu Jiatun (Taipei Times, Nov. 23, 1999) Chinese president Jiang Zemin recently gave a number of speeches on human rights in China. On the eve of its National Day he declared that "the Chinese nation historically respects human integrity and values.

Taiwan Needs to Explore New Options in the International Arena By J. David Singer (Taipei Times, Nov. 19, 1999) Taiwan is dangerously isolated from the rest of the international community: China has many diplomatic missions and Taiwan few; China holds membership in many international intergovernmental organizations, Taiwan belongs to just a handful.

Prioritizing US' Taiwan Policy By Nat Bellocchi (Taipei Times, Nov. 19, 1999) In the US, and particularly in Washington, among people who have an interest in or influence on the relationship, Taiwan is thought of mostly in terms of the cross-strait issue. And the issue itself usually is discussed in speculating either about the ambiguity of the policies involved, or how it should be resolved.

China's Asia-Pacific Strategic Objectives for the Next Century By Arthur Ding (Taipei Times, Nov. 13, 1999) China has a few Asia-Pacific region objectives for the early next century. The first one is to restrict the US influence within the region.

Enhancing Taiwan's Security By Bruce J. Dickson (Taipei Times, Nov. 6, 1999) Debate over Taiwan Security Enhancement Act may provide at least one useful service: bringing into the open many of the latent issues that surround US-China-Taiwan relations.

Jiang's Comments Blown Out of Proportion By Wu Yu-shan (Taipei Times, Nov. 2, 1999) China's long-term strategy is to use the threat of force to keep Taiwan firmly within the framework of its "one China" policy, while at the same time working hard to increase living standards to make reunification more attractive to Taiwan. If Taiwan tries to break out of Beijing's grip by relying on other countries, China is willing to use drastic measures to bring about reunification.

Rules Have Changed on 'One China' By Wu Hsin-Hsing (Taipei Times, Oct. 27, 1999) Although the political dispute between China and Taiwan is common knowledge, each side should enjoy the right to voice their own views.

Trends in American China Watching By Bruce J. Dickson (Taipei Times, Oct. 25, 1999) The changing politics, policies and personalities in China make China watching both fun and challenging. How well do American China watchers understand what is going on within China?

Taiwan Was on Nuke Frontline (Taipei Times, Oct. 20, 1999) For 15 years during the Cold War, Taiwan was on the front line of a potential nuclear superpower exchange, according to official US documents declassified today. Beginning in 1958, Washington deployed a variety of nuclear weapons on Taiwan which remained in place until 1974.

Why Taiwan's Security Needs To Be Enhanced By Stephen J. Yates (Taipei Times, Oct. 18, 1999) The Taiwan Relations Act, although beneficial in many ways, is not serving the purpose of assuring Taiwan's security. If the Taiwan Security Enhancement Act is ever incorporated into us law, then the security it would guarantee will be the key to successful advances in cross-strait relations.

US Electoral Politics Affect Taiwan By Nat Bellocchi (Taipei Times, Oct. 18, 1999) Current issues include the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) and US relations with Russia -- both of which are in the headlines but would seem to be distant from Taiwan concerns.

The US Needs to Rethink Its Role By John Bolton (Taipei Times, Oct. 3, 1999) As an Australian-led peacekeeping force now establishes itself in and around Dili, and as substantial numbers of Indonesian troops depart, it is time to ask whether all of this had to happen.

China at 50: Is There Anything Left to Celebrate? By Bruce J. Dickson (Taipei Times, Oct. 3, 1999) With all the original goals of the Chinese communist revolution already abandoned for the sake of economic modernization, some wonder where China's leaders go from here

Will the Real China Please Stand Up By Edward Friedman (Taipei Times, Oct. 2, 1999) China's post-Maoist policies of economic expansion, political suppression and chauvinistic mobilization at first glance seem to work: material life keeps improving and people can enjoy a happy future as long as they ignore the realm of politics.

From Mao to Jiang: The saga of China By Ruan Ming (Taipei Times, Oct. 1, 1999) In 1945, Mao Zedong said that dialogue with the KMT could result in the "peaceful construction of a democratic institution." But the Great Helmsman's vision of China took on a Stalinist framework of lawlessness and terror. Under Deng Xiaoping, party ideology began to loosen. With Jiang Zemin in power, the possibility of yet another change is great

China Shows Cold-Blooded Nature By Annette Lu (Taipei Times, Oct. 1, 1999) While all of Taiwan was busy with rescue and relief efforts following the earthquake, China put its efforts into political maneuvering aimed at swallowing Taiwan in the international arena.

Fifty Years of Tension Across the Strait By Masahiro Wakabayashi (Taipei Times, Sep. 29, 1999) The 50th anniversary of the PRC represents another, quieter milestone: the removal of Chiang Kai-shek's regime to Taiwan, and the beginning of a historical chain of events leading to the present.

Far Eastern Economic Review

Doctrine of Deterrence By Susan V. Lawrence (Far Eastern Economic Review, Oct. 14, 1999) Analysts weren't impressed by China's display of military hardware during its 50th anniversary celebrations. Still, if it ever comes to the day when the United States intervenes over Taiwan, Chinese strategists are betting they have the firepower to exploit the greatest weakness of the U.S. - its unwillingness to risk its soldiers' lives.

Stressful Summer By Susan V. Lawrence (Far Eastern Economic Review, August 19, 1999) Alarmed at corruption and alienation among its members, the Communist Party launches a new political campaign, using the 'threat' the Falun Gong movement poses to rally support.

LA Times

Beijing's Brutality Won't Work (Editorial, LA Times, Dec. 28, 1999) The depth of an authoritarian government's fear of its own people can be measured by how severely it punishes dissent. This week a Chinese court sentenced four major organizers of the recently outlawed Falun Gong spiritual movement to prison terms of up to 18 years. Falun Gong's true threat isn't to state security but to the Communist Party's monopoly on power

An Easy One for China (Editorial, LA Times, Dec. 21, 1999) Two down, one to go. The way Beijing sees it, regaining power over the coastal island of Macao takes China two-thirds of the way to returning the country to the "embrace of the motherland." But unlike the takeover of Macao and Hong Kong before it, China's potential reunification with Taiwan poses a much more complex problem than striking a deal with a European colonial power thousands of miles away.

President Caught in a Whopper By Jim Mann (LA Times, Dec. 15, 1999) Dear President Lee: Political rhetoric, in our country and yours, is distinguished by exaggeration. But at a campaign rally last week about America's fears for Taiwan's coming elections, you came up with a real whopper, one that could easily mislead the 22 million people on your island.

China in WTO Will Help More Than Just Trade By Jacob A. Fisch (LA Times, Nov. 26, 1999) Entry into the organization will further the social and political changes begun by other outside links. China's modernization has, until now, been greatly inspired and facilitated by interaction with the world community and will be greatly enhanced by WTO membership.

The Price of China's New Policy By Walter Russell Mead (LA Times, Nov. 21, 1999) the U.S.-China agreement signed last week in Beijing helps achieve the primary U.S. foreign-policy goal in Asia since the American Revolution: guaranteeing U.S. merchants, bankers, factories and farmers safe and rule-based access to what will someday be the largest consumer market in the world.

Don't Push China on Proliferation By Philip C. Saunders, Evan S. Medeiros (LA Times, Nov. 18, 1999) Imposing sanctions on Beijing now for '92 sales to Pakistan would not serve U.S. security interests.

Big Business Comes to Aid of China By Jim Mann (LA Times, Nov. 10, 1999) For the first time, American corporations have waged an intensive Washington lobbying campaign in seeming support of China on an issue that has no direct connection to trade, investment or other economic matters in which the U.S. business community has an obvious interest.

China Must Play by Trade Rules (Editorial, LA Times, Nov. 8, 1999) The effort to get China admitted into the World Trade Organization has been slow and frustrating. Beijing appears eager to join but reluctant to pay the price of entry.

U.S. Attempt to Draw China, Taiwan Into Talks Backfires By Jim Mann (LA Times, Oct. 10, 1999)Washington is scorched by its own efforts to help thaw tensions, leaving them at boiling point instead. The administration's campaign was aimed at bringing Taiwan into negotiations with China and reducing hostilities across the strait that divides them.

Balm for the Chinese Threat By Richard L. Garwin, Kurt Fottfried (LA Times, Oct. 7, 1999) Senate should ratify nuclear test ban treaty barring nations from experimentation. To limit the damage from nuclear espionage, past or future--or for that matter, from foreign nuclear weapons advances, whatever their source--the Senate should ratify the test ban treaty.

Hawk Plus Dove Makes Unpersuasive Policy By Tom Plate (Los Angeles Times, Sep. 22, 1999) A Rand report calls for a middle course on China between hostility and engagement; it's not a solution that will sell.

The Clinton Doctrine: More Spin Than Reality By Robert A. Manning (LA Times, Sep. 5, 1999) Because it is the superpower, the United States must be one of the stewards of the international order. In a world in which regional crises, made more dangerous by the spread of weapons of mass destruction, threaten to spin out of control in Korea, the Taiwan Strait and Kashmir, to cite a few examples, U.S. leadership is essential.

The U.S. Finds a New Boogeyman By Benjamin Schwarz (LA Times, Sep. 8, 1999) Foreign policy: Our concern about China's efforts to remedy its weak position speaks to our own ambitions.

China's Misguided Crackdown Editorial (LA Times, Aug. 26, 1999) What better way for China's leaders to get ready for the 50th anniversary of the Communist Revolution on Oct. 1 than with a show trial to reaffirm that whatever else may have changed in the People's Republic, intolerance of dissent endures.

China Waging War of Words on Taiwan By Henry Chu, Jim Mann (LA Times, Aug. 23, 1999) Analysts say threat of force to reunite island with mainland is scare tactic. ...for all Beijing's ferocious saber-rattling--its noisiest in three years--and Taiwan's bravado in response, analysts are skeptical of the Chinese government's declared readiness to retake the island by force.

Nobody Loves Taiwan Anymore By Tom Plate (LA Times, Aug. 7, 1999) Diplomatic blunder by feisty president obscures island's economic and political progress. It's at this point that I begin to feel sorry for Taiwan. It's not easy living in the shadow of a giant that's more impoverished than you not just economically but politically as well. Taiwan has one of the best economies in Asia, and one of the healthiest polities.

Admit It, Taiwan Is A Nation By Daniel C. Lynch (LA Times, July 29, 1999) It's ludicrous to continue to view the world's 13th-largest trading power as a nonentity.

It's More Like A Change In Posture By Stephen J. Yates (LA Times, July 13, 1999) Taiwan President Lee Teng-hui raised a lot of eyebrows--and Beijing's ire--when he declared that Taiwan's relations with China should be viewed as "country-to-country, or at least as special state-to-state relations."

U.S. Has Secretly Expanded Military Ties With Taiwan Jim Mann (LA Times, July 24, 1999) Contact includes an exchange of ideas on armed forces strategy and Taipei's response in the event of invasion. Pentagon's moves may further upset U.S.-China relations.

East Asia, Infected by a New Arms Race, Risks Deadly Miscalculations Tom Plate (LA Times, July 7, 1999) The missile fever that has hit both Koreas, China, Japan and Taiwan can only be quelled with Washington's help... What the United States needs to do is to convene a well-prepared series of high-profile Asian arms-reduction conferences in Washington -- and soon.

U.S. Warns China Again on Taiwan By Jim Mann, Norman Kempster (LA Times, August 14, 1999) The Clinton administration on Friday repeated its warning of grave consequences if China takes military action against Taiwan following high-level hints from Beijing that it may use force to resolve a half-century-old dispute.

Reuters

In Taiwan, China's 50th Shakes Old Truths By Jeffrey Parker (Reuters, Sep. 29, 1999) The last place on earth you'd expect to find a Chairman Mao Cafe would be Taiwan, the final foothold of the Chinese Nationalist state that Mao Zedong's Communist revolution booted out back in 1949.

China's Jiang Walks Tightrope Over Taiwan By Benjamin Kang Lim (Reuters, Aug 17, 1999) Chinese President Jiang Zemin faces the biggest challenge of his 10 years in power in a confrontation with Taiwan that could end up leaving him weakened and vulnerable.

The Associated Press

China's Worries Go Beyond Taiwan To Fear Of U.S. (Associated Press, Aug. 14, 1999) The drama being played out over the Taiwan Strait isn't just about Taiwan and China. While threatening Taiwanese President Lee Teng-hui with "doom," Beijing is voicing ever louder suspicions of U.S. ambitions to contain China, in collusion with Japan, South Korea and Taiwan.

U.S. on China-Taiwan Tightrope By Tom Raum (Associated Press, August 4, 1999) The administration must walk a difficult tightrope between its desire to improve relations with China and the U.S. legal obligation to defend Taiwan, which has strong congressional support.