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China Jump: No Looking Back Now By Mary Kwang
(Straits Times, Dec. 30, 2001) It was The Year Of China. That was how the Liberation Army Daily summed up 2001 for the Chinese. That simple declaration was not mere chest-thumping on the part of the Chinese military newspaper - it was a succinct overview of the country's victories on various fronts in the past 12 months.

Will the New World Order Rest Solely on American Might? By William Pfaff
(International Herald Tribune, Dec.29, 2001) The world begins 2002 in a situation without precedent in human history. A single nation, the United States, enjoys unrivaled military and economic power, and can impose itself virtually anywhere it wants. The fundamental issue of the next two to three decades will inevitably be how the United States employs the amazing power it now exercises.

US ABM Treaty Withdrawal a Mixed Blessing By Ralph A. Cossa
(Taipei Times, Dec. 26, 2001)
It looks like the Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty is destined to end with a whimper not with a bang. Earlier doomsday predictions notwithstanding, Washington's unilateral withdrawal from the treaty (the required six month's notice was given on Dec 13) is not expected to usher in a new Cold War between the US and Russia.

The New Trilateral Strategic Calculus By Brad Glosserman
(PacNet Newsletter, Pacific Forum, CSIS, Dec. 2001) U.S.-Japan relations have solidified in the wake of the terrorist attacks. China was equally quick to support the U.S.-led coalition. Yet it is clear that Tokyo's relations with Washington are considerably warmer than those the U.S. has with Beijing. Cooperation is complicated by suspicions.

Two Elections
(Editorial, Washington Post, Dec. 23, 2001)
Beijing is not prepared to tolerate the genuine popular democracy of Taiwan, at least in Hong Kong. Which, in turn, explains why Taiwan's voters would ignore their economic troubles and choose the party of Mr. Chen, which advocates Taiwanese independence from China.

China's Calculated Compromise By Denny Roy
(Straits Times, Dec. 21, 2001) Emerging suddenly in the wake of a serious downturn in US-China relations, America's war against terrorism forced China to declare a position on an issue of great importance to the United States. The Chinese response was consistent with some of Beijing's goals but compromised others.

China Brief
(Jamestown Foundation, Dec. 20, 2001) Willy Wo-Lap Lam: Factional dynamics in Beijing; Gordon Chang: Xu Kuangdi--"missing in action"; Wen Yu: Jiang fights the Party tiger; John Tkacik: September 11, a disaster for Beijing?

Is China Losing Its High Moral Ground? By Willy Wo-Lap Lam
(CNN.com, Dec. 19, 2001) For Beijing, the latest warnings about the revival of American "unilateralism" have come from unexpected quarters: North Korea. Diplomatic sources in Beijing said Pyongyang had asked the administration of President Jiang Zemin for urgent assistance if the U.S. were to launch air strikes to wipe out its arsenal.

As China Rises, Some Ask: Will It Stumble? By Thomas Crampton
(International Herald Tribune, Dec. 18, 2001)
China's Communist government finally bet on stability by capitalist means. One result may be a flood of foreign investment, but it would be accompanied by the government's loss of traditional levers of support and control for restive sectors of society. The Communist Party of China recognizes that it will lose ground.

DPP: Moving Towards the Mainstream By Goh Sui Noi
(Straits Times, Dec. 16, 2001) Commentators have said the DPP's success was a reflection of its prowess as an election machine rather than of its ability to govern. The party has continued to exploit ethnic issues in the latest polls, partly to draw attention away from economic issues. Some observers believe it should be able to broaden its base after it has been in government for more than a term.

China Brief
(Jamestown Foundation, Dec. 10, 2001) John Copper: The winners and losers of Taiwan's election; Harvey Feldman: Taiwan's election the cross-straits policy; Willy Wo-Lap Lam: Zemin faces threats on two fronts; and Richard Fisher: China's air force goes aggressive.

DPP Needs to Heal Ethnic Divisions By Wang Jenn-hwan
(Taipei Times, Dec. 8, 2001) Ethnic mobilization manifested itself in last year's presidential election as well as Saturday's elections: the DPP-ruled southern Taiwan against the KMT-ruled central and northern Taiwan. During campaigns, the DPP turned cross-strait relations into an ethnic conflict, while marginalizing economic issues that affect people's livelihoods.

China in Post-September 11 World: Posturing Mixed Responses By Rajesh Kumar Mishra
(South Asia Analysis, Dec. 7, 2001) China’s readiness to participate with US and particularly with the international community in fighting against the evils of terrorism might reflect upon the urgency of its own domestic reasons.  In the aftermath of 9/11 incident China might also see this as an opportunity to demonstrate its credentials as a rational competitor of the sole superpower of the world. 

Taiwan Targets Chinese Business Prospects By Michael Bristow
(BBC, Dec. 7, 2001) The appetite of Taiwanese firms for investment in China shows no sign of letting up now both have been accepted as members of the WTO. The island is believed to have invested at least $60bn in China since the communist state opened up to the outside world in 1978. But how much more will be invested will also depend on political factors
.

China Learns to Live with Chen
(Economist, Nov. 29, 2001) China’s communists seem to have learned a lesson. As Taiwan prepared for a parliamentary election on December 1st, the leadership in Beijing refrained from its usual practice of trying to intimidate Taiwan's voters into supporting candidates who favoured the reunification of mainland and island.

Taiwan (In)dependence By Allen T. Cheng
(Asiaweek, Nov. 30, 2001) Chen Shui-bian has come to accept that his party's strident stance toward the mainland was backfiring. Will his new posture pay off when Taiwanese go to the polls next month? E
ven though Chen has been forced to seek rapprochement with the mainland, he continues to infuriate Beijing by refusing to say the island is part of "one China."

China: The Big Winner in Afghan War By Franz Schurmann
(Pacific News Service, Nov. 21, 2001) As America's economic slump continues and Washington focuses on the war in Afghanistan, the countries of Southeast Asia are increasingly turning toward an awesomely productive China for an economic engine.

China Brief
(Nov. 2001, Jamestown Foundation) The business of (mis)information; Hu Jintao, China's probable next leader; Zeng Qinghong, a possible contender for PRC leadership; Beijing and Taiwan's next elections.

Cracked China By Minxin Pei
(Foreign Policy, Oct. 2001) The uncertainty surrounding China's future is increasingly reflected in the writings of Chinese scholars and social critics. 2001 Shehui lanpishu: zhongguo shehui xingshi fengxi yu yuce (Social Blue Book 2001: Analysis and Forecasting of Social Conditions in China) is an apt example.

Taiwan’s Economy Faces Four Uncertainties
(Editorial, Commercial Times, Nov. 19, 2001)
The first uncertainty is the state of the global economy in the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks. The second uncertainty is the impact of Taiwan's accession to the World Trade Organization. The third uncertainty is the domestic political situation. A fourth uncertainty is cross-strait relations.

The New Shanghai By Kate Wheeler
(New York Times, Nov. 18, 2001) As I drove in from Shanghai's four-year-old airport, the first sight of the city already suggested that Hayworth's motto might be ready for revision. The towers of Pudong looked like the 3-D environs of a video game, or a fleet of spaceships just landed on the east shore of the Huangpu River.

Beijing May Be Toying with Taipei By Chuck DeVore
(Taipei Times, Nov. 16, 2001) China's stated policy towards Taiwan is that there is one China and Taiwan is part of that China. China sees three paths for action to realize this policy: negotiation, political victory for pro-unification forces in Taiwan or military conquest. Today, China may see near-term hope for the first two options fading.

Eurasian Maneuvers for Japan, China, Russia and America By Bruce A. Elleman and Sarah C.M. Paine
(International Herald Tribune, Nov. 14, 2001) The war on terror has forced compromises on foreign policy differences among Japan, China, Russia and the United States. But underlying tensions make the prospects of continued close cooperation uncertain at best.
For the moment, the Eurasian chessboard has changed almost beyond recognition. But these countries' long-term goals for Eurasia differ.

China at a Loss in Cross-Strait Affairs By Shih Chih-yu
(Taipei Times, Nov. 8, 2001) China's Foreign Minister Tang Jiaxuan adopted a harsh voice and a stern look in dealing with Taipei's delegation at the APEC summit. But while his demeanor may be very unpleasant, the popular resentment it triggers could turn the DPP into the majority party in Taiwan after the year-end elections.

China's ASEAN Ties Not Seen Booting Taiwan out of Region
(Central News Agency, Nov. 6, 2001) Taiwan will not become an outcast in Southeast Asia, even if mainland China and the member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations ink an agreement on a free-trade bloc. Taiwan investors have extended deep roots in the Southeast Asian countries by having directly injected US$47.5 billion into the region.

China's Growing Dilemma
(Editorial, Japan Times, Nov. 5, 2001) Two historic transitions are beginning in China: the rise to power of its fourth generation of leaders and the economic transformation leading to membership in the World Trade Organization. They are pulling the country in different directions and creating conflicting priorities for the Beijing government.

Can China Live Up to Asia's Expectations? By Ching Cheong
(Straits Times, Nov. 5, 2001) Just last year, people were talking about the 'China threat' in the economic dimension, meaning the rise of China would squeeze out the lesser economies in Asia. Now they are hoping that it can hedge the region's economies.

China Attempts to Boost Global Clout By Willy Wo-Lap Lam
(CNN.com, Nov. 2, 2001) China is pursuing multi-pronged diplomatic efforts to boost its global clout in the wake of the September 11 attacks on the U.S. Diplomatic analysts in Beijing said the administration of President Jiang Zemin wanted to prevent the United States from taking advantage of the anti-terrorist campaign to perpetuate a "unipolar world order."

Is China the Odd Man Out? By Ralph Cossa
(Japan Times, Nov. 1, 2001) China seems very pleased with the outcome of the George W. Bush-Jiang Zemin presidential summit held Oct. 19 in Shanghai on the sidelines of the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation leaders' meeting -- not because a great deal was accomplished, but because Jiang's definition of what constituted a "successful" meeting was extremely modest.

China-U.S. Relations: Terror Throws Us Together, For Now By Michael Vatikiotis, Ben Dolven and David Murphy
(Far Eastern Economic Review, Nov. 1, 2001) At their first summit the leaders of China and the United States began building a better relationship that can only benefit business. To deliver real rewards for both China's economy and foreign investors, it needs to last longer than U.S. retaliation in Afghanistan.

China's Heir Apparent in Debut on the World Stage By Erik Eckholm
(New York Times, Oct. 29, 2001) The vice president is Hu Jintao, and to the cognoscenti of Chinese politics his journey is filled with meaning. As he makes the trip, which began in Russia and continues in Britain, his every word will be scrutinized, and not only in Washington and other foreign capitals, but also at home.

Military Action Would Hurt China By Tung Chen-yuan
(Taipei Times, Oct. 26, 2001) Denied an invitation by China, Taiwan ultimately refused to attend the APEC leaders' summit in Shanghai. The incident not only explains the current deadlock across the Taiwan Strait, but also reflects the blind spots in Beijing's Taiwan policy.

The Downturn Is Hitting Asians Hard By Tadao Chino
(International Herald Tribune, Oct. 25, 2001) The repercussions from the terrorist attacks in New York and Washington have been felt around the world, but nowhere more profoundly than in Asia and the Pacific. It is too early to gauge the full impact on all countries, but across the region, from Afghanistan to remote atolls of the South Pacific, developing countries are showing ominous signs of the fallout.

China's Foreign Policy Finally Comes of Age By Zhang Tianguang
(South China Morning Post, Oct. 19, 2001) Most Chinese people - along with most of the international community - think the central Government's decision to side with the United States and its partners in the fight against international terrorism is Beijing's wisest decision in a decade.

Promoting APEC Development on 'Two Wheels'
(People’s Daily, Oct. 15, 2001) Since its formal accession to APEC in 1991, China has all along taken an active attitude toward spurring the organization's trade and investment liberalization, and has advocated that APEC should persistently open the region and should not turn it into a closed trade group.

Taiwan Facing Three Major Crises
(Commercial Times, Oct. 15, 2001)
The international situation has recently undergone a drastic change, and affairs in Taiwan are in upheaval. … but it appears the government has not fully comprehended the changes that have taken place. As a result, it has underestimated the major economic, social, and political crises now facing Taiwan.

Cold War Legacy Fading Away By Ralph Cossa
(Japan Times, Oct. 12, 2001) With the terrorists attacks of Sept. 11 and the international war on terrorism comes the opportunity to create a new global paradigm for the post-post-Cold War world, built upon a common goal of ridding the world of international terrorism -- a goal that most nations can equally embrace.

Jiang Fears U.S. Foothold in Central Asia By Willy Wo-Lap Lam
(CNN.com, Oct. 10, 2001) As the United States and its allies were finalizing their military preparations against Afghanistan, Jiang Zemin called a meeting of senior Politburo colleagues and key advisers. Jiang reportedly raised three questions about the looming war: how long the military action will last; how large-scale it will be; and what Washington's "real objective" is.

Another Unthinkable Scenario By George F. Will
(Washington Post, Oct. 7, 2001) The elemental lesson to be learned from Sept. 11 is that nothing is unthinkable, although many possibilities are unthought, particularly by peaceful nations. So perhaps now Americans should think about the possibility of a swift, because remarkably brutal, conquest of Taiwan by the People's Republic of China.

US Support for Taiwan Firm Despite Demands from China By Charles Snyder
(Taipei Times, Oct. 7, 2001) The US will not abandon or bend its firm support for Taiwan despite China's participation in the international coalition against terrorism, US officials and analysts say. While Tang brought up Taiwan in his meeting with Powell, "they always bring up the Taiwan issue," said Robert Sutter.

China a Casualty in Big-Power Relations After Sept 11 By Ching Cheong
(Straits Time, Oct. 5, 2001) The Sept 11 terrorist attacks on America and the US retaliatory campaign have triggered off a realignment of the global military and strategic setup and would possibly change the triangular relationship between the US, Russia and China. Three weeks after the attack, China is already feeling the pressure of a subtle change in its relations with the big powers.

Strikes on U.S. Make Taiwan China Watchers Uneasy By Benjamin Kang Lim
(Reuters, Oct. 3, 2001) While the pair and China have nothing to do with the September 11 suicide strikes on U.S. landmarks, the shuddering scenarios described in the book are a sobering reminder to some Taiwanese academics of the island's vulnerability.

From Taiwan, a Fear of China Technology By Mark Landler
(New York Times, Oct. 3, 2001)
Morris Chang is arguably the most influential technology executive in Taiwan. He has often spoken of his belief that China was not ready to compete in the more advanced business of integrated circuits. So when he declared recently that the future of the world's chip industry lies not in Taiwan or the United States, but in China, political and business leaders sat up and took notice.

New Fears, New Alliances By Edward N. Luttwak
(New York Times, Oct. 2, 2001) America's policy now implies the formation of a new antiterrorist alliance with Russia, China and India as well as members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, Japan and other nations. Such a great-power alliance for international order has not been seen since the mid-19th century.

China Needs Reassurance if SDF Deploys By Molly Broaddus
(Japan Times, Oct. 1, 2001) In accepting the support of Japan's SDF, the Bush administration should be mindful of the long-term consequences. China will become irritated and possibly uncooperative if it perceives Japan to be significantly upgrading its warfare capabilities.
The U.S. cannot afford to let this happen, for in the war against terrorists, it needs China more than it needs Japan.

The Next Revolution By Sin-Ming Shaw
(Asiaweek, Oct. 5, 2001) The news is grim, and Asia is ill-prepared for globalization. The region needs to drop its Confucian shackles. Guess what: China is leading the way. But China is not just restructuring its economy. It is undergoing a quiet social revolution the scale of which will dwarf even that conjured by the Meiji Restoration in 19th-century Japan.

A Surprise Attack by China is a Possibility By Wendell Minnick
(Taipei Times, Sep. 28, 2001) Richard Russell's article in the autumn issue of the US Army War College's respected Parameters, entitled "What if China Attacks Taiwan," has received a lot of attention recently. While economists and political pundits discount an invasion, those in military circles have to consider the unthinkable.

Implications of the New US War By Ralph Cossa
(Taipei Times, Sep. 18, 2001) It is too soon to speculate on the nature of American retaliation for the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks on the nation, since neither the organizers nor collaborators have been clearly identified. However, the Pentagon has made it clear that the response will not be a single strike but a "broad and sustained campaign" not only against terrorists but against those who support them.

US Foreign Policy Sure to Shift in Alignment By Philip Yang
(Taipei Times, Sep. 15, 2001) The terrorist attacks against the US this week have shaken the entire world. From Taiwan's perspective, we should be closely monitoring any possible developments. As for the impact on Sino-US relations, one can foresee that the relationship will shortly be characterized by a great deal of interaction. Military antagonism between the two will not make headlines for a while.

Mainland to Feel the Heat over 'Rogue' Arms Deals By Jasper Becker
(South China Morning Post, Sep. 14, 2001) America's response to the terror attacks is certain to lead to much tougher policies towards North Korea and Chinese arms sales to the Middle East.
China would be forced to stop equivocating about sales of missile and nuclear technology to Pakistan, as well as Iran and Iraq and other states accused of sponsoring terrorism.

In China, Anti-U.S. Sentiment Unfettered By John Pomfret
(Washington Post, Sep. 14, 2001) While average Chinese routinely approach Americans to offer condolences for Tuesday's terrorist attacks, many others in their offices, schools and Internet chats have voiced satisfaction at what they describe as a well-deserved blow against U.S. arrogance.

Foreign Policy Consequences Huge By John Lancaster and Greg Schneider
(Washington Post, Sep.13, 2001) The worst terrorist attack in American history is sure to have profound consequences for U.S. foreign policies on missile defense and the Middle East, as Washington scrambles to reconsider its security needs in a suddenly altered world. With the death toll rising, there is broad agreement among policymakers about the need for stepped-up spending on "homeland defense."

Taiwan and the United Nations - Withdrawal in 1971 was an Historic Turning Point By Monique Chu
(Taipei Times, Sep. 12, 2001) Whether one regards it as a pull out or an expulsion, the loss of Taiwan's UN seat in 1971 was the result of a decades-long loss of international support for the ROC regime. Its subsequent isolation from the international system immediately followed suit.

A Glimpse of The Other China By C. Fred Bergsten
(Washington Post, Sept. 4, 2001) There is another China that is much more congenial to American and global values, much more open and pluralistic in its demeanor, and hence much more promising for a peaceful and cooperative future. That China was on vivid display at a recent two-day conference in Beijing on China's economic reforms.

Taiwan, China Slug It Out on TV
(Associated Press, Sep. 4, 2001) Jets fire rockets that leave a trail of gray smoke in the sky, and helicopters shower their targets with machine-gun fire. But what matters most in this round of Taiwanese war games is the cameras. In the perennial shadow boxing between China and Taiwan, the public on both sides has a ringside seat, courtesy of television and front pages.

Taiwan's Ex-President Redraws Political Map By Simon Kwong
(Reuters, Sep. 1, 2001) Former Taiwan president Lee Teng-hui, still one of the most influential politicians in the country, hit the campaign trail on Saturday to win support for a fledgling party that threatens to redraw the island's political map. But analysts said the fledgling Solidarity Union may end up stealing more DPP than Nationalist votes.

Cossa Says Put National Security First
(Taipei Times, Aug. 31, 2001) Ralph A. Cossa, President of the Pacific Forum,  accused Taiwan's opposition parties of playing into the hands of Beijing. He also called for a bipartisan approach to cross-strait issues and asked why Taiwan's politicians can pull together for the sake of the economy, but not for national security.

Pessimism on a Grand Scale By Dexter Roberts
(Business Week, Aug. 27, 2001) In The Coming Collapse of China, Gordon G. Chang launches directly into his controversial argument that the country's many woes add up to a terminal illness.
Chang misses the obvious: China's present generation of leaders, despite their hesitations and occasional ideological broadsides, have decided to push economic reform, and aren't likely to abandon it.

Much Exaggeration of the Economic Challenge From China By Philip Bowring
(International Herald Tribune, Aug. 30, 2001) China is more aware than outsiders of its own weaknesses. Foreign assumptions need closer analysis. That China's exports so far this year have been modestly positive while those of South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore etc. have slumped is at least as much due to the composition of its exports as to added competitiveness.

Adjusting to China's New Road By Nicholas Berry
(Center of Defense Information, Aug. 28, 2001) It made sense to be wary of China as a revolutionary communist state committed to a worldwide class struggle and revolution. But it makes little sense to maintain the same wariness to a state strongly committed to domestic reform, to the maintenance of the principle of sovereignty for itself and all other states, and the to the norms of the UN Charter.

Taiwan's New Voice in Washington By Charles Snyder
(Taipei Times, Aug. 26, 2001) Just as Jesse Helms, one of Taiwan's staunchest allies in Washington, prepares to retire, a new face is emerging as a champion for Taiwan. Henry Hyde has helped push the Bush administration toward more robust support for Taiwan.

Taipei's Tough Times By Allen T. Cheng
(Asiaweek, Aug. 30, 2001) In 1997, it was Asia's Treasure Island, immune from crisis. No longer. Today, Taiwan is plunging towards recession more rapidly than any of its neighbors. Still, Taiwan has a nest egg: the fourth largest foreign exchange reserves in the world - $110 billion - plus consumer savings of $200 billion. After recent events, Treasure Island can never take its prosperity for granted again.

Political Issues Surface as EDAC Battles to Revive Slow Economy
(China Post, Aug. 25, 2001) While members on the presidential Economic Development Advisory Council (EDAC) enter the home stretch to finalize the over 300 proposals adopted by five panels with an aim to overcome economic woes, controversial political issues surfaced again, threatening to cause a new political standoff.

The Asian Voyage: In the Wake of the Admiral
(TIMEasia.com, Aug. 27, 2001) Six centuries after Admiral Zheng He set sail, Adi Ignatius finds a China still struggling with its place in the world. Explorer, conqueror, diplomat, trader—and yet Zheng There is no Zheng He parallel in today's China. But perhaps that's a positive sign. Instead of one imperial hero, thousands of ordinary people are doing their part to open the nation to the world.

Taiwan -- It's Time for Some Real Pain By Assif Shameen
(Asiaweek, Aug. 22, 2001) So Taiwan's recession is now official. Its gross domestic product shrank 2.35% in the second quarter compared to the same period a year ago. That was the first decline in 26 years. President Chen needs to make fundamental changes in the economy. He and his team must give his people a vision for tomorrow and address long-term structural issues.

Empire or Not? A Quiet Debate Over U.S. Role By Thomas E. Ricks
(Washington Post, Aug. 21, 2001) People who label the United States "imperialist" usually mean it as an insult. But in recent years a handful of conservative defense intellectuals have begun to argue that the United States is indeed acting in an imperialist fashion -- and that it should embrace the role.

Senator's Trip to Asia Underscores US' Changing World View By Charles Snyder
(Taipei Times, Aug. 20, 2001) Despite that professed friendship, Biden and Helms are far apart in their political philosophies and world views. So when control of the Senate switched from the Republicans to the Democrats this spring, it signaled that the committee is likely to look at the world in a different way and that attitudes toward Taiwan and China will be among noticeable changes.

China Unvarnished
(Editorial, Washington Post, Aug. 7, 2001) China experts like to talk about how quickly the vast country is changing: the increase in personal freedoms, the spread of the Internet, the triumph of private enterprise. These changes are real, and significant. But such talk can too easily obscure how much in the regime remains unchanged -- how cruelly it continues to treat many of its own people.

For Rumsfeld, Many Roadblocks By Thomas E. Ricks
(Washington Post, Aug. 7, 2001) Coming into office, Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld looked like just the person to execute President Bush's campaign vow to "transform" the U.S. military. Yet six months into an administration that campaigned on a promise to rebuild the military, Rumsfeld's ambitious plans are under fire from all sides.

The Pentagon, Not Congress or the President, Calls the Shots By William Pfaff
(International Herald Tribune, Aug. 6, 2001) The State Department's policy planning director calls the Bush administration's foreign policy approach "ŕ la carte multilateralism." "A la carte multilateralism" thus looks uncannily like unilateralism, and is deeply influenced, moreover, by the Pentagon. Nearly all the international agreements that Mr. Bush opposes, or wants to repudiate, concern military matters.

Security Pact With Russia Bolsters China's Power By Bruce A. Elleman and Sarah C.M. Paine
(International Herald Tribune, Aug. 6, 2001) The recently signed Chinese-Russian treaty is not as benign as it might at first appear. Moscow and Beijing have disguised some of the most important elements of their new security alliance. These elements give China a new position of authority in Mongolia and throughout Eurasia.

A "Concert of Asia? Why There Is No Substitute for U.S. Power By Nicholas Khoo and Michael L.R. Smith
(Policy Review, August & September 2001) The fact that a tradition of unipolarity has supplied stability in the region somewhat undermines the starting point of Concert of Asia advocates who believe that because the area is a hotbed of tension and rivalries, it needs to be managed through a multilateral framework.

Bush Driving A Wedge Between Russia, China By Ted Galen Carpenter
(Taipei Times, Aug. 1, 2001) There are indications that the Bush administration's unexpected "charm offensive" toward Russia is partly an attempt to disrupt the emerging Russian-Chinese entente. And missile defense appears to be the issue that Washington's has chosen to drive a wedge between Moscow and Beijing.

 

 

 

 











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