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Time to Seize the Cross-Strait Opportunity
By Ralph A. Cossa
PacNet #30, Pacific
Forum, CSIS, May 2008
“Be careful what
you wish for.” This Chinese proverb came repeatedly to mind when listening to
incoming Taiwan President
Ma Ying-jeou’s forward-leaning inauguration address
that sent so many olive branches toward Beijing
that even some of his ardent supporters feared he had “gone too far” and
protesters almost immediately took to the street in Taipei
warning against “selling out” to China.
The big question
now is can Beijing, after hearing “no” for the past eight years, now take
“yes” for an answer. Ma called on Beijing
to join him to “launch a new era of cross-Strait relations,” based on his
previously articulated “three no’s” policy: no unification, no independence,
and no use of force. He talked about “one China,
respective interpretations” and the “1992 consensus” (under which both sides
agreed to disagree over how to define “one China”) and made several
references to “our mutual Chinese heritage.” He also committed to
maintaining the status quo across the Strait, noting at one point that, “in a
young democracy, respecting the Constitution is more important than amending
it” his predecessor’s attempts to amend the constitution was a main source
of tension between Taipei and Beijing.
In a truly
unprecedented gesture, Ma also made specific positive reference to Chinese
President Hu Jintao’s
remarks on cross-Strait relations “building mutual trust, shelving
controversies, finding commonalities despite differences, and creating
together a win-win solution” stating that “his
views are very much in line with our own.”
Ma laid out the
normalization of economic and cultural relations with the mainland as
immediate goals, but warned that “Taiwan doesn’t just want security
and prosperity; it wants dignity.” Herein lies the
rub!
It should be
relatively easy for Beijing to respond
positively to Ma’s calls for direct weekend charter flights and visits to Taiwan by
mainland tourists and other economic and cultural exchanges. Some security
gesture, such as a visible drawback of missiles opposite Taiwan, is
also doable without dramatically changing the security calculus. But,
is Beijing prepared to make significant
gestures aimed at truly improving Taiwan’s sense of security and
relieving its international isolation?
A failure by Beijing to respond
positively to Ma’s olive branches will seriously undercut the new Taiwanese
leader as he tries to build consensus at home in support of his
forward-leaning cross-Strait policies. His address is already being labeled
by the opposition as “naive” and “wishful thinking.” Will Beijing prove this to be the case?
For its part,
the Chinese leadership is preoccupied with other things right now
earthquake relief, Olympics preparations, unrest in Tibet and elsewhere even
while breathing a sigh of relief that its main nemesis, now-departed
President Chen Shui-bian, is finally gone. Beijing appeared almost
paranoid about Chen springing an 11th hour surprise; a fear exacerbated by
its lack of understanding about how democratic transitions work. This one
worked flawlessly, as Chen himself had promised!
Beijing immediately opted to
pass on its first chance to make a positive political gesture by once again
blocking Taiwan’s
bid for observer status in the World Health Organization (WHO). Chen’s
decision to apply as “Taiwan”
rather than “Chinese Taipei” regrettably made it easier for Beijing
to once again block this request, but it could have asked the WHO to postpone
consideration of Taiwan’s
bid for a few days to allow for a reformulation of the application, rather
than quickly excluding it from the agenda. As a result, Beijing
needs to quickly find some other venues to provide the dignity that Ma seeks
and Taiwan
richly deserves.
It appears that Beijing is still struggling to figure out how to deal
with a potentially friendly government in Taipei after years of just saying no to
everything and branding every positive gesture by the Chen administration a “splittist trick.” The real concern, as some Chinese
candidly expressed to me during a recent visit to Beijing,
is finding ways to improve Taiwan’s
“international breathing space” without further enhancing its status as a
sovereign independent entity (or dare we say “country”). Fear that gestures
once made would be exploited were Chen’s Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)
to return to power were also cited as a reason for moving slowly, even though
moving too slowly (or not at all) will increase the prospects of a DPP
return.
Other
distractions notwithstanding, it is important for Beijing not to wait too long before making
some significant gestures in response to Ma’s controversial overtures. For
starters, it can observe Ma’s call for a “truce” in the international arena.
In recent years, Beijing has taken great delight
in humiliating the Chen administration by spiriting away Taiwan’s few
remaining allies, normally through a shameless bidding war that has leant
little dignity to either side. This must stop. If no one recognizes the
Republic of China (Taiwan’s
official name), why shouldn’t it just declare itself the Republic of Taiwan
now and end the “one China”
charade?
A more dramatic
military gesture is also needed. Merely withdrawing some easily redeployed
mobile missiles is not enough. Beijing
needs to deactivate and plow over some of the 1,000+ missile sites it has
poised opposite Taiwan
as a true goodwill gesture.
The
semi-official cross-Strait dialogue between Beijing’s
Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait (ARATS) and Taipei’s Straits
Exchange Foundation (SEF) also needs to resume, if for no other reason than
to facilitate the institution of the economic “three links” that both sides
profess to support. Dialogue should also begin, either through ARATS-SEF or
through a quasi-official “track two” gathering, on cross-Strait confidence
building and conflict avoidance measures. Beijing
also needs to loosen restrictions it has imposed on Taiwan in the
WHO as a first step toward allowing Chinese Taipei to gain observer status as
a “health entity” next year.
Beijing also
needs to stop its heavy-handed pressure aimed at blocking participation by
Taiwan scholars at academic gatherings like the annual ASEAN ISIS Roundtable
and should take steps to help elevate Taiwan’s status in the nongovernmental
Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia Pacific (CSCAP) and other
track-two organizations, while also supporting higher-level Taiwan
participation in the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Leaders Meeting
and other forums.
Ma Ying-jeou took a big political risk in reaching out so
dramatically to Beijing
in his inaugural address. Beijing
needs to respond. Washington also needs to
respond positively to Ma’s gestures, while strongly encouraging Beijing to make significant positive gestures sooner,
rather than later, to seize the opportunity presented by the change of
government and attitude in Taipei.
Ralph A. Cossa
(pacforum@hawaii.rr.com) is
president of the Pacific Forum CSIS.
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